Member States acting alone or in an uncoordinated manner will be unable to tackle the security threats within and beyond the EU. It is only through deeper cooperation and integration in this field that we can make a positive difference, says Nathalie Tocci, one of the authors of the new EU Common Strategy on Foreign and Security Policy
The New Global Strategy of the EU for its foreign policy and security (Common Foreign and Security Policy) received the green light in Brussels just a day after the referendum in the UK on exiting the Union. Officials say that the date of the vote on the new basis of which European foreign and security policy will be guided was determined earlier, but that after Brexit the adopting of the strategy symbolically served to show that the EU will survive and that the vast majority still believes in unity.
The new strategy was developed at the request of the Commission by the team of HR/VP Federica Mogherini, while CorD Magazine’s interlocutor Nathalie Tocci was one of the leaders of the expert team.
Tocci is an advisor to her compatriot, head of European diplomacy, an expert in the Mediterranean and the Middle East and also works as deputy director of the Institute for International Relations in Rome.
The new strategy of the European Union seeks to refute the thesis that the EU is an “economic giant but a political dwarf”, but also to comply with the wishes of the vast majority of EU citizens who say that they want the Union to have a greater and stronger presence on the international scene, said Tocci.
The aim of the strategy is to increase coordination among EU member states and European institutions and thereby strengthen the foundation from which the EU can more effectively respond to global challenges, such as terrorism and migrant crises, but also to get involved in the fight against poverty, unemployment or the struggle to preserve the environment. Insisting that the new era requires a new approach, Federica Mogherini’s team sought to refute the suspicion that the new strategy is one of the documents adopted by Brussels bureaucracy, without being particularly attuned to the interests of citizens.
The strategy is therefore harmonised around the EU – through an exchange of information with the Member States, at debates with experts, representatives of civil society organisations, with the youth etc. Over 50 experts from around the world gave statements on the final text of the Strategy before it was sent for adoption.
For the countries of the Western Balkans, the Strategy is important as the latest document of the Union in which the continuation of EU enlargement is mentioned in context. In documents accompanying the Strategy, its authors confirm the commitment for the admission of new members into the EU, despite growing scepticism about enlargement and the crisis that has shaken the Union itself. Speaking at the presentation of the Strategy in Belgrade (organised by the ISAC Fund), Tocci also reiterated that the future of Serbia and the Western Balkans is in the European Union, but that membership also means accepting the obligations, one of which one – controversially in Serbia – is harmonisation with EU foreign policy when it comes to Russia.
Can you comment on the recent terrorist attacks in France and Germany? Do you share the fear that the violence could escalate further?
– The attacks, attackers and methods used are largely uncoordinated and very much the product of lone wolves. This makes any prediction about the future extremely complicated. The wave may escalate or reduce, but the problem is unlikely to be resolved altogether, and resolving it means tackling the violent ideologies and networks which lie at their heart.
In order to explain recent events, some analysts already use terms like ‘World War III’ or ‘the clash of civilisations’. How would you explain them in context?
– I believe we are in a period of transition between two world orders. And as Gramsci once said, “The old world is dying, and the new world struggles to be born: now is the time of monsters”.
I believe we are in a period of transition between two world orders. And, as Gramsci once said, “The old world is dying, and the new world struggles to be born: now is the time of monsters”
It seems that EU Member states still struggle individually with security threats. Is there a need for a joint EU reaction, and what would that look like?
– Member States acting alone or in an uncoordinated manner will be unable to tackle the security threats within and beyond the EU. It is only through deeper cooperation and integration in this field that we can make a positive difference.
The EU recently adopted the New Common Foreign and Security Policy Strategy. It is said that the Strategy aims at defining a more coherent EU foreign policy approach in a world that is changing rapidly. To what extent does the Strategy contribute to the global fight against terror?
– The fight against terrorism is very much part of the strategy. When we talk about what the EU must do internally we talk about deepening cooperation and information sharing between our intelligence agencies and deepening our common work on countering violent extremism through communication, education and culture.
When we talk about our neighbours, near and far, we also include deepening CT cooperation. But, also, when we think about the global level, we must seek to build a wide coalition against terrorism including the UN, states, regional organisations, as well as the private sector and civil society.
The Strategy was adopted as the first document dealing with foreign policy challenges since 2003. The document came after the EU was seriously shaken by the Eurozone crisis, the migrant crisis, conflicts in Ukraine and estrangement with Russia… Since the world is changing rapidly, what changes are needed in the EU’s approach to foreign policy and security?
– The EU must take greater responsibility in foreign and security policy and engage the wider world, standing united and in partnership with others. While we must engage more and do so more responsibly, responsibility must be shared with our partners near and far.
You mentioned that a greater EU presence in the global arena is something EU citizens expect from Brussels. How does the Strategy respond to that?
– EU citizens expect the Union to play a greater role in the world. This is the single area that is immune to Euroscepticism. The Strategy does not constitute a shopping list of things to do but rather paints a broad strategic direction for the EU’s priorities and how to achieve them so as to respond to citizens’ expectations.
It seems that global terrorism and a new wave of the migrant crisis might become the first challenges for HRVP Mogherini’s office. How do you view the growing number of refugees heading towards EU countries once again?
– It’s all relative. One to two million refugees in a Europe of 500 million does not constitute a crisis, certainly not a crisis of numbers. It is going through and has been though, a crisis of values and reputation. The main challenge the EU has is that of getting its own house in order on the question of migration and asylum.
Do you think that instability in Turkey might jeopardise the agreement with the EU that reduced the number of refugees fleeing to the EU?
– As things stand, two weeks after the attempted military coup, I believe the EU-Turkey deal is likely to hold.
The New Strategy was presented just a day after the Brexit results were known. How do you see future relations between the EU and the UK?
– It is impossible to tell, as negotiations have not even started, and they are unlikely to start possibly well into next year. I hope and believe that a constructive relationship can be forged between the two. I am convinced that the best possible result will nonetheless be a net loss for the UK, but it is our duty to make sure that the best is made of an objectively bad situation.
The Strategy is not limited just to the most serious problems of the world, or those the EU faces. It stresses the importance of the EU’s engagement in various other areas, like addressing unemployment, energy security, trade, environmental projects and development aid. How important are those domains of so-called “soft power”?
– While security and defence are key, and it is certainly the area in which the most homework is necessary, the truth is that the bulk of foreign policy is actually about aid, trade, diplomacy, mobility, energy, climate etc. In these areas, the EU is very well equipped, but more efforts must be exerted to ensure these policy areas work in synch.
When we think about the global level, we must seek to build a wide coalition against terrorism that includes the UN, states, regional organisations, as well as the private sector and civil society
For Serbia and countries of the Balkans, the Strategy is important because it reaffirms the commitment to enlarging the EU. However, there are strong voices within the EU suggesting that the enlargement process be halted for the moment. How serious are those calls?
– The EU is living through a difficult moment and it will take several years for the dust to settle. And the accession process will also last a few years, given the complexity of the process and the work that the Western Balkan countries still need to do. What is important now is to continue with the work, make sure it delivers and that the process is credible, but without making too much noise. Once the work is done and the EU resurfaces from the current crisis I am confident that further enlargements will be possible.
At a conference in Belgrade where the New Strategy was also presented, you were asked if, in relation to the New Foreign and Security Policy, the Balkan region is seen as “EU’s front yard” or just foreign countries. In other words, do you see countries like Serbia as potential partners in addressing certain global challenges, such as the migrant crisis?
– Whether the enlargement policy is, or should be, part of foreign policy may be a controversial question. I believe that while it is aimed at making the outside come in, so long as the candidate countries are outside the EU, and therefore the enlargement policy applies, they belong to the remit of foreign policy. Furthermore, there are other forms of foreign policy which apply to the Western Balkan countries, including migration, energy, infrastructure, research and education, and much more. In this policy, areas cooperation must be strengthened within and beyond the remit of the enlargement policy as such.
The media and public in Serbia are particularly interested in your message that Serbia, as a candidate for membership, must harmonise its foreign policy with the EU. It seems that many in the EU see that imposing sanctions on Russia as a step Serbia has to take immediately. How do you take arguments coming from the government in Serbia that such a measure would not serve the interests of citizens?
– Italian citizens would certainly also think that sanctions against Russia do not serve their interests. But being in the EU means also showing solidarity towards those Member States that feel legitimately threatened by Russia. This is what the EU is all about. This said, solidarity is, and should be, a journey, and the EU cannot expect a candidate country to behave as an EU Member State when its membership is still years away. It is a gradual process of approximation and harmonisation across different fields, including foreign policy.