A student protest that merges European values with national sentiment has instinctively exposed the falsehoods of both domestic and European politicians. What remains to be seen is whether – and how – this movement will translate into political action
There’s little doubt that the student protests have introduced a new element into Serbia’s closed political system. That system has long relied on a carefully calibrated balance of power between the ruling coalition and the opposition, as well as on the undeniable backing of both Western (predominantly American) and Russian actors in support of the Vučić–Brnabić regime. The student movement, as a new force, has disrupted this status quo. It has presented a moral challenge to those who operate within an entirely amoral context.
The questions raised were starkly simple: who is responsible for the deaths of 16 people in Novi Sad? Which company carried out the reconstruction of the city’s railway station? What political interests underpinned the decisions surrounding that project? And so on. Such specific questions cannot be met with truthful answers without confronting the unpleasant truths of the society in which they arose. What the protests offered was a bleak, yet honest, portrait of the state of the nation.
This regime is sustained by national and political betrayal, domestic and foreign corruption, media monopoly and both mental and physical violence. And yet, it continues to enjoy the longstanding support of European political actors – most notably former German Chancellor Angela Merkel and French President Emmanuel Macron. This indicates that Serbian politicians, who for over two decades have adhered to the mantra that “there is no alternative to the EU”, must now concede the failure of their political platform and reconfigure its foundations. They must shift from absolutism towards a more nuanced and realistic stance.
Serbian political actors, who have championed the belief that “there is no alternative to the EU” for over two decades, must now acknowledge the bankruptcy of that platform and radically rethink its direction
EU member states prioritise their immediate interests, often at the expense of the very values their officials purport to defend. No notion of legality outweighs the lure of lithium extraction; no human rights principle is stronger than the economic appeal of selling fighter jets; no commitment to media freedom trumps the sale of national banks.
Serbia’s student protests, rooted in a deep-seated respect for both European ideals and Serbian national identity, has instinctively cut through the fog of deception perpetuated by political elites both at home and abroad. From a moral standpoint, it has laid bare the intertwined nature of politics and criminality in Serbia today. Crucially, it has demonstrated that an alternative path is possible – one based on a principled commitment to the rule of law and the development of a genuine, enlightened national policy.
Such a policy must include the defence of Serbia’s national rights and interests in Bosnia and Herzegovina and Montenegro – in a manner no different to that of other Balkan and European nations. The colonial politics of guilt, elevated to the point of absurdity under the Vučić–Brnabić administration, must come to an end – particularly as it has been cynically instrumentalised by those very same actors.
It remains uncertain whether the intuitively powerful stance taken by students will give rise to authentic political representation. That would require a reshaping of the political landscape – a landscape that many, both within Serbia and beyond its borders, are heavily invested in preserving. The picture is murky. And so too, it seems, is our future.
