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Milo Lompar Ph.D., professor of the University of Belgrade Faculty of Philology and President of the Serbian Literary Guild

Revolt, Rebellion & Transitional Government

The regime hasn’t been confirmed as effective, libertarian or national, but rather as corrupt, authoritarian and anti-national. It’s as if the collapse of that canopy unveiled that characteristic of the administration and aroused a sense of justice among young people, and a sense of duty to follow their lead among their professors ~ Milo Lompar

Three months of intensive protests by students, with an ever-increasing number of citizens joining their ranks, prompted the biggest political crisis in Serbia for the last 13 years, leading to the collapse of the government of Prime Minister Miloš Vučević. And this student revolt could last even longer, until guarantees are provided that the case of the collapse of the Novi Sad railway station canopy will be resolved in accordance with the facts, says professor Milo Lompar in this interview for CorD Magazine. “Such guarantees cannot be given by those who are suspected. Hence the need for a transitional government as a guarantor that the media monopoly will be abolished, accurate voter lists will be determined and violence will be removed from political life.”

Professor Lompar, the blockading of colleges and student protests have been ongoing in all four of the country’s university cities for more than two months. How do you see this revolt among generations that have often been accused of being largely disinterested in social dialogue and politics?

— I have myself claimed repeatedly – like so many European intellectuals – that young people aren’t inheriting a sense for revolt, but rather for adaptation. That was long the case.

But these protests have shown that young people have overcome their attitude of conformist consciousness. That might also be the case in other areas of Europe: such a possibility is indicated by both the yellow vests in France and the demonstrations in Germany. A struggle is unfolding between the people and the system, because the gap between them has become excessive.

In our country, the fact that this student revolt – and the support they were long provided with by professors acting independently – is now spreading to other guilds is a result of the realisation that the regime has lost its national, democratic and pragmatic legitimacy. It hasn’t been confirmed as effective, libertarian or national, but rather as corrupt, authoritarian and anti-national. It’s as if the collapse of that canopy unveiled that characteristic of the regime and aroused a sense of justice among young people and a sense of duty to follow their lead among their teachers.

The protests have so far continued for almost three months. You insist that students and educators have been excessively overburdened and that others should have supported their protest. If half of citizens tell public opinion researchers that they rate the state of affairs in the country positively, do you believe it would be possible to implement a general strike?

— Public opinion research isn’t reliable, because the independence of these agencies is dubious. They have discredited themselves so many times with their assessments to date.

A general strike might be reached gradually, as the chain of those who are protesting is growing: students are supported by a significant number of High Court judges; the Bar Association declared a solidarity strike, many citizens are protesting peacefully together with the students, while protests are unfolding in ever-more towns.

In the case that this trend continues, a general strike would not be impossible. The irrational and irresponsible conduct of the Vučić-Brnabić regime – which offers negotiations and threatens students, which attempts to solve the problem using police and violence, which runs people down on the pavements and expresses condolences to their families – naturally leads to the growth of dissatisfaction.

And dissatisfaction breeds revolt, which creates rebellion.

SNS, as the ruling party, has offered an advisory referendum on confidence in the President of Serbia as a possible way out of this worst political crisis since 2012, while the Prime Minister has said that he isn’t ruling out extraordinary elections and the opposition is advocating a transitional government. What do you see as a way out of this situation in which tensions are growing on a daily basis?

— The obliteration of public trust has been the key effect of the Vučić-Brnabić regime’s rule: they have developed the distrust of everyone towards everything over the years.

And that’s now coming for their heads, because no one believes them. It is thus essential that guarantees be given that the canopy case will be resolved in accordance with the facts.

Such guarantees cannot be given by those who are suspected. Hence the need for a transitional government as a guarantor that the media monopoly will be abolished, accurate voter lists will be determined and violence will be removed from political life.

It would have a conditional mandate: with no opportunity to make political decisions. And it would be limited in terms of duration and objective: the objective is regular elections, while the term duration would be from six months to a year.

Analysts have noted the deflection away from political parties as an important part of the student protests’ strategy. Is this the first time that the question of whether political change can be achieved without political parties has been raised?

— The greatest contribution to the devaluing of the democratic order in our country has been provided by Western (American) factors.

The destruction of the political system began with the confrontation with the government of Vojislav Koštunica in 2008, because it rejected the Ahtisaari plan that envisaged the international recognition of Kosovo.

Protests have shown that young people have overcome their attitude of conformist consciousness. That might also be the case in other areas of Europe: such a possibility is indicated by both the yellow vests in France and the demonstrations in Germany. A struggle is unfolding between the people and the system, because the gap between them has become excessive

That’s how Western (U.S.) policies led to the emergence of SNS. The best option for realising their political goals is a decomposed political system led by an authoritarian ruler. Russian and Chinese stakeholders had no affinity for the democratic order.

Serbian culture lacked the strength required to preserve and improve it in the face of external pressures.

Hence a situation that resembles that of Latin America. Political parties are essential to restore legitimacy to a bedrock of legality, as marked by the protests. They now appear weak, while the process itself remains uncertain.

You have proposed and engaged personally in unifying the national and urban oppositions. Can such cooperation, which was last seen in the year 2000, be repeated under today’s conditions?

— In the form of a government, this kind of cooperation existed in the period between 2004 and 2007, as the cohabitation of Koštunica and Tadić. That was democratic and the most solid government in our country, despite tough challenges.

Cooperation between the national and urban oppositions is itself essential for creating the foundations for a social agreement on respect for the Constitution and the rule of law in our country.

All subsequent issues, even the biggest political issues like that of Kosovo, must be resolved in accordance with that premise. If someone strives for extra-constitutional solutions, they must fight in a legal way for the Constitution to be amended.

The student protests are focused primarily on determining responsibility for the tragedy in Novi Sad, and subsequently for the violence against students, but one of their demands relates to budget allocations for education. What do you consider as being the biggest problems facing higher education in Serbia?

— Some of our difficulties are similar to those in other European countries: the targeted reduction of the space that belongs to social sciences; favouring pragmatic awareness; the domination of the imposed Bologna Process, which has obvious weaknesses.

Some difficulties are the fruit of our weaknesses: a general decline in responsibility; weaker education in secondary schools; an excessive number of faculties and weak evaluation criteria; the general impoverishment of society; a lack of appreciation for quality in hiring workers.

Late last year saw the Government of Serbia attempt to create conditions for the arrival of foreign colleges in Serbia, under an accelerated procedure. In elucidating this move, it was argued that the possibility of studying at such colleges would encourage young people not to leave Serbia. The academic community was also criticised for not being ready to handle competition. How did you perceive that initiative?

— When it comes to these matters, I declare myself as being devoid of personal ambition, as I will retire in two years.

The outcome of that intention is the aspiration to gradually reduce the number of state faculties, because they are financed from the national budget. It is a classic case of the reorganising of society with a view to the colonial model.

The start of this year was marked by the changing of the president of the United States. Do you believe the claim that Donald Trump’s return could help Serbia in the dialogue on Kosovo?

— If we judge on the basis of the Washington Agreement (2020), which extended the seedlings of the Brussels Agreement (2013) and created a shift towards the Franco-German Plan (2023), we shouldn’t expect any major changes on the pathway laid.

Pressure could mount on Serbia to recognise Kosovo internationally and on the Pristina authorities to form the Community of Serb Municipalities: within which the education and health services of the Serbian community would be implemented, under the Pristina administration.

Everything else has already been undertaken and is unlikely to change: thanks to the disastrous policy of the Vučić-Brnabić regime.

LEGITIMACY

Political parties are essential to restore legitimacy to a bedrock of legality, as marked by the protests

COOPERATION

Cooperation between the national and urban oppositions is itself essential for creating the foundations for a social agreement on respect for the Constitution and the rule of law in our country

THE OBJECTIVE

The objective is regular elections, while the term duration f the transitional governmentwould be from six months to a year

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